View the complete CCRN’s Clayoquot Sound Community Story as a PDF

Laura Loucks

Key Messages

• Collective action in an unsustainable social-ecological system can catalyse a shift towards increased community sustainability when supported with financial resources and appropriate local institutions.

• Cross-cultural knowledge sharing and place-based learning are integral to transforming social-ecological systems at the community level.

• Social innovation can assist with transformation when supported by a network of collaborative organizations with a shared set of principles and a united vision to inspire change.

Community Profile

For millennia, the Indigenous Nuu-chah-nulth people have had strong cultural and livelihood connections with the terrestrial, fresh water and marine ecosystems of the west coast of Vancouver Island, Canada. Within this area, Clayoquot Sound is located primarily in the Nuu-chah-nulth Ha’ huulthii (homelands) of Hesquiaht, Ahousaht and Tla-o-qui-aht First Nations, encompassing nearly 350,000 hectares of a complex and globally significant social-ecological landscape (Figure 1).

The ecosystems of Clayoquot Sound are rich in biodiversity and characterized by a large contiguous rainforest canopy of old growth western red cedar and western hemlock covering steep-sided coastal mountains throughout six watersheds.

Figure 1: Clayoquot Sound UNESCO Biosphere region

Conservation and Livelihood Challenges

Resource extraction, conflict and collective action
Over the last 50 years, local communities have constantly struggled to assert local access rights to Crown resources and shape government policies for more sustainable resource management practices in fishing and logging. In the forestry industry, unresolved Aboriginal land claims and corporate rights to Timber Forest Licenses were at the heart of unsustainable land use. For example, logging companies commonly built roads along steep mountain slopes, despite the high risk of soil erosion and damage to stream and river habitats. Similarly, large tracts of old growth rainforest were clearcut, causing significant ecological damage without the consultation or consent of the Nuu-chah-nulth Ha’ wiih, who carry the traditional responsibility to preside over and protect the Nuu-chah-nulth Ha’ huulthii⁽⁹⁾.

However, in 1982 the affirmation of Aboriginal rights and treaty rights within Section 35 of the Canadian Constitution marked an enormous shift in Canadian Law⁽⁵⁾. These rights were further strengthened in the seminal Meares Island Case, which catalyzed a transformation process still underway in Clayoquot Sound⁽⁵⁾.

In 1984, a coalition of leaders and residents from Tla-o-qui-aht First Nation and the town of Tofino sought to protect Meares Island, within Clayoquot Sound, from being logged by the MacMillan Bloedel forestry company. The Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council claimed the island as part of the traditional territory to which it had Aboriginal title and sought a court injunction against the logging of the Island. Subsequently, the logging company requested their own court injunction against the coalition. In an unprecedented decision, the British Columbia Court of Appeal granted the injunction to the Nuu-chah-nulth based on the irreversible damages of unsustainable forestry practices⁽⁵⁾. In the words of Justice Seaton,

“It appears that the area to be logged will be wholly logged. The forest that the Indians know and use will be permanently destroyed. The tree from which the bark was partially stripped in 1642 may be cut down, middens may be destroyed, fish traps damaged and canoe runs despoiled. Finally, the island’s symbolic value will be gone. The subject matter of the trial will be destroyed before the rights are decided”^{(5, pg.149)}.

The victory of the Meares Island Case also marked the beginning of the Tla-o-qui-aht assertion of rights and title to the Meares Island Tribal Park, and 10 years of conflict⁽⁹⁾. In 1994, in an effort to resolve an escalating environmental campaign, the British Columbia government announced a Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Practices in Clayoquot Sound. Through this, the Nuu-chah-nulth principle of hishuk-ish-ts’awalk (everything is one and interconnected) inspired a set of new hybrid protocols designed to respect both traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and scientific knowledge systems^(6). Recommendations of the scientific panel were eventually instituted through watershed management plans that now provide the foundation for adaptive ecosystem management in the region. One plan is in the Indigenous community of Ahousaht, where Chief Maquinna has noted:

“The Ahousaht believe that this is the beginning of a new era, based on recognition and celebration of Ahousaht people and culture, conservation of the world-class forest and marine resources of Clayoquot Sound, and the development of a more diversified, sustainable local economy, including community forestry.”⁽⁸⁾

Community Initiatives

Today, the principles and protocols established by the Scientific Panel are embodied in local community organizations with new governance models based on the shared desire to build a sustainable future on West Coast Vancouver Island. One such example is the Clayoquot Biosphere Trust (CBT), which is led by a voluntary board of directors, representing all local First Nations and communities within the Clayoquot Sound Biosphere Reserve, with a vision:

“…to live sustainably in a healthy ecosystem with a diversified economy and strong, vibrant and united cultures while embracing the Nuu-chah-nulth First Nations living philosophies of Iisaak, (living respectfully), Qwa’aak qin teechmis (life in balance) and Hishuk ish ts’awalk (all things are connected)”⁽²⁾.

In 2016, a collaboration of the CBT, First Nations, municipal governments, local education organizations and destination marketing organizations, launched the West Coast NEST (Nature, Education, Sustainability, Transformation) to connect people to all current learning opportunities offered in the region, focusing on four key market sectors: university field schools, professional development courses, adult learning and youth learning opportunities.

The vision is to enable all local community members and education-oriented organizations to participate fully in the learning economy, together with visiting learners⁽⁷⁾(Figure 2). By linking learning with tourism, the West Coast NEST is creating a global network of learners who can help catalyze a new local economic opportunity while shifting values towards sustainable livelihoods.

Figure 2: Nuu-chah-nulth Elder Ray Haipee teaching visiting learners.

Nested within the Nuu-chah-nulth values of Iisaak, qwa’aak qin teechmis and hishuk ish ts’awalk, the education tourism initiative is an opportunity to transform conventional tourism to attract a different type of visitor: one who wants to stay longer on the West Coast, learn from local people, experience local culture and contribute to stewardship of this ecologically significant place.

In this manner, local community organizations are working to shift away from an unsustainable tourist ‘consumer’ economy and moving incrementally towards a new ‘conserver’ economy, where broken cultures are restored and damaged SES are re-built. The communities see education tourism as having the potential to support an economic return from visiting learners while expanding local learning opportunities.

Seven principles for education tourism:
1) Attract co-learners: we welcome others to learn with us.
2) Community reciprocity: we share benefits between communities.
3) Local knowledge holders are experts: local people are reimbursed for sharing their knowledge.
4) Learning networks of practice: together, we are creating a culture of learning and collaborative problem solving.
5) Stewardship-in-place: every community has an outdoor classroom and a place to learn from the land.
6) Holistic hands-on learning: we learn best by applied learning and practice.
7) Cultural safety and sharing: we create safe spaces for learning and healing across cultural boundaries.

Practical Outcomes

References

Acknowledgements

Support for this story was provided by the Community Conservation Research Network (CCRN) and the Clayoquot Biosphere Trust (CBT).

View the complete CCRN’s Haruku Village Community Story as a PDF

Ahmad Mony and Arif Satria

Key Messages

• Haruku village is a coastal community that uses sasi laut a local knowledge and culture-based practice of coastal resource conservation.
• Sasi laut was weakened in the 1980s and the early part of the 2000s, due to a lack of government concern about destructive fishing activities as well as the Maluku conflict in 1999-2002. Subsequently, starting in early 2004, through the cooperation of multiple stakeholders, the sasi laut system has strengthened, helping local fishing communities to consider global issues related to conservation practices.
• Cooperation of multiple parties at multiple levels is the best approach for sustainable sasi laut practices.

Community Profile

Haruku Village is located in the island of the same name, in Malaku Province, Indonesia (Figure 1). Most of the island is hilly terrain and nearly all of the population is along the coast. The island consists of four Muslim villages and seven Christian villages ⁽¹⁾. The people of Haruku Island depend on the plantation sector as their main livelihood. Marine resources are not yet used as the main support system for livelihoods due to limitations on local utilisation of fishery commodities.

In the island, an indigenous practice of coastal resource protection, called sasi laut, has been used for hundreds of years. Sasi laut is a form of traditional institution regulating the management of coastal resources based on the knowledge, norms and value systems of the Indigenous people of Maluku.

Figure 1: Location of Haruku Island

This system regulates the rights and obligations of the indigenous peoples in utilizing and protecting coastal resources. As defined by Harkes and Novaczek (2000, pp.1-3), sasi laut “…prohibits the use of destructive and intensive gear (poisonous plants and chemicals, explosives, small mesh lift-nets), but also defines seasonal rules of entry, harvest and activities allowed in specific parts of the sea. The regulations are guarded and enforced by an institution known as the kewang, which functions as a local police force. Their legitimacy, as well as that of the sasi institution itself, is based on adat or customary law”.

Sasi laut has been implemented by the Harukunese for over 400 years. This practice is related to the establishment of Haruku Village and their motivation to save lompa fish (Thrissima balema), a sacred fish species relating to the history of the founding of the village (Figure 2) ⁽⁴⁾.

Figure 2: Harvesting Lompa Fish

Climate change in these coastal areas, which is characterised by ecological and seasonal changes, has provided an understanding for indigenous peoples about the importance of maintaining sasi laut as a local institution to protect coastal areas. Maintaining sasi laut, amidst the impacts of climate change and social transformation, will have an important impact on the preservation of coastal and inland resources, the preservation of culture, and ensuring the availability of fish in the waters.

Conservation and Livelihood Challenges

Recently, the practices of sasi laut has weakened due to the external and internal pressures of the actors involved. The external factors that threatened the existence of the legal practice of sasi laut were modernisation and commercialisation, which resulted in the erosion of traditional values⁽²⁾. Within the Haruku society, sasi laut practices were faced with challenges, such as internal political conflicts, competition in the local economy, regeneration of kewang, and the power of outsiders who did not consider the social and cultural conditions of the indigenous community. In addition, locals spoke of such factors as access to fishery commodity markets, capital limitation, and lack of human resources as the main constraints to switch the orientation of their livelihood income from the plantation to fishery systems (i.e., fishing/aquaculture).

The actors involved in the development of sasi laut had three main interests, economic, ecological and cultural. The economic interests were normally represented by communities, businesses, and local governments. The ecological interests were represented by the traditional leaders, NGOs, universities, donor agencies, environmentalists and researchers. Meanwhile, cultural interests were represented by the indigenous communities, universities, and government. This mixture of interests in the region created uncertainty about the implementation of sasi laut, as kewang were unsure of which motivations to follow, thus weakening sasi laut practices.

Community Initiative

The indigenous community of Haruku, which had been more moderate and adaptive to the issues of coastal resource management, drew on cooperation among actors to further develop sasi laut. Advocacy of relationships with outside parties aroused a new awareness to expand the scope of sasi laut, and the adaptation of new values in sasi laut gained the support of the community. Furthermore, the people were actively involved in such programmes as a mangrove nursery and rehabilitation of mangrove areas in the estuary of the Learisa Kayeli River, one of the lompa fish habitats. The importance of mangrove rehabilitation had been increasingly recognized after the occurrence of coastal erosion in the last few years, which directly threatens human settlements and other public infrastructure.

Practical Outcomes

Due to both external and internal pressures, changes in the political, governance, natural resources and societal livelihood systems have affected the orientation of the sasi laut management system in Maluku, resulting in some positive and negative changes:

First, there has been an increasing awareness of efforts to protect coastal areas and the natural resources therein. This awareness encouraged the emergence of the kewang, assisted by outside parties, such as NGOs and donor agencies, to widen the area protection of the sasi laut system on other resources.

Figure 3: Village Leaders of Haruku

Second, the emergence of gender awareness has encouraged women’s involvement in the sasi laut institution. The involvement of women in the institution was based on the consideration that one of the dimensions of indigenous sasi is female, providing a certain space for the presence of women in the sasi institution pertaining to the processes of law enforcement against woman offenders on sasi.

Third, as a social institution, sasi is vulnerable to family economic problems during its implementation. To overcome this problem, kewang have been provided a business unit in the form of economic management of marine tourism. Kewang have some guest houses with some units rented to researchers and tourists (local and foreign) visiting the Haruku Island, thereby providing additional income locally.

Figure 4: Gosong Bird Conservation

Fourth, there has been a decline in involvement in kewang that is needed to perform surveillance on resources. Some NGOs and donors have noticed problems of kewang regeneration through education and training.

Fifth, the rise of awareness of kewang, and their experience in dealing with outside parties (NGOs, universities and donors) has encouraged kewang empowerment. Kewang of Negeri Haruku have established the Foundation of Haru-Ukui Kalesang to empower kewang in Maluku and coordinate implementation of inter-kewang of sasi laut in Haruku Island. Through this foundation, the kewang in Haruku Island have facilitated some kewang leaders from other villages to attend national seminars on coastal conservation and empowerment of indigenous people (Figure 3).

Recently sasi laut has been developed by expanding the objects of conservation, including mangrove ecosystems, the Gosong bird (Eulipoa wallacei, or Moloccan scrubfowl), turtles, and other coastal resources (Figure 4). In addition, sasi luat is supporting marine tourism through a sasi laut festival in Haruku Village (Figure 5). Gender discourse has also been adopted through the representation of women in the local police corps, kewang. This was facilitated through the efforts made by such external parties as NGOs, donor agencies, and universities.

Figure 5: Sasi Laut Festival of Haruku Village

In terms of legislation, the practice of local wisdom in Indonesia, such as sasi laut, has been recognized by the state through various laws and regulations. Political and natural resource governance changes, coupled with the strengthening of marine conservation discourse in Indonesia, make sasi laut more effective for coastal area protection and resources therein.

In Maluku, the strengthening of sasi laut practices is able to answer the challenges of sustainability in the local system, particularly in implementing Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK), amid global efforts to develop marine conservation networks. Therefore, the authority of sasi laut management must be responsive to the dynamics of the political system, economy, law, governance, science and technology. In conclusion, the transformation of sasi laut should be aimed at strengthening the capacity of human and institutional resources that are adaptive and responsive to external changes.

References

Acknowledgements

Our gratitude is expressed to the community of Haruku Village who has assisted us a lot in collecting data for this research.

View the complete CCRN’s Bolivia’s Northern Amazon Community Story as a PDF

Alison Macnaughton

Key Messages

• Introduced fish species in the Bolivian Amazon could provide Indigenous communities with livelihood opportunities, but may also be a threat to their critically-important subsistence fisheries through predation and territorial exclusion.

• Local fishery organizations can be strengthed through ongoing dialogue, leadership training, and technical assistance.

• Engaging with local, regional and national level actors and promoting open spaces of dialogue (workshops, round table groups) can help identify common interests, resolve conflicts and support discussion on future planning.

Community Profile

Figure 1: Map of Bolivia showing the Pando and Beni departments(10)

Conservation and Livelihood Challenges

Figure 2: Traditional houses in Baketi community, TCO Cavineño, 2015), and low returns to producers.

Community Initiatives

Since 2011, indigenous communities have worked with researchers from the Asociación Faunagua, World Fisheries Trust, and the University of Victoria (Canada), to better understand the fisheries situation, and identify pathways to improve livelihood and food security in the region.

Figure 3: Explaining local fishing areas, catch and effort, community workshop, TCO Chácobo, 2015

Much of this work has focused on the paiche; providing key information on abundance and impacts, as well as potential for development. So far, these efforts have provided important information on:

• Nutritional status and food security of rural and urban populations and key determinants, including the contributions of fish⁽¹⁾;
• Fisheries and other livelihood activities, and local perspectives about paiche; and
• Fishery value chains, and mechanisms to improve transparency and promote greater economic equity between fishers, middlemen and markets^(7,5)

Figure 4: Mapping the spread of the introduced paiche fish, community workshop, TCO Chácobo 2015

There have also been a range of practical initiatives including:

• Pilot initiatives for value-added fish production, for example the establishment of a cooperative in one of the indigenous communities, where paiche fillets and skins (for leather production) are produced and sold at improved prices;
• Strengthening local fisheries organizations through ongoing dialogue, leadership training, and providing technical assistance, e.g. consolidation of the regional fishers association; and
• Engaging with local, regional and national level actors and promoting open spaces of dialogue (workshops, round table groups) to identify common interests, resolve conflicts and discuss future planning^(8).

Practical Outcomes

Figure 5: Preparing roasted tucunaré (peacock bass), a traditional dish, TCO Cavineño, 2015

• Capacity-building for communities and local organisations to identify and articulate local needs and priorities for development and conservation.
• Development and implementation of resource management plans and other governance tools at a local level.
• More effective engagement in regional planning.
• Support for greater transparency, communication and cooperation between agencies responsible for regulating fishing and fish markets.
• Improving returns to fishers, for example through value-added opportunities or improved pricing structure.

Figure 6: Returning with the day’s catch, TCO Cavineño, 2015

References

Acknowledgements

View the complete CCRN’s Clayoquot Sound Community Story as a PDF

Tawney Lem,  West Coast Aquatic; tawney@westcoastaquatic.ca

Key Messages

• In order to sustain livelihoods and conserve biodiversity, decision-making must be integrated; that is, ecosystem based, with the participation of all affected interests, and inclusive of indigenous, local, and scientific knowledge.

• Co-management Roundtables have been a successful tool in bringing parties together to discuss their salmon management concerns. An online marine ecosystem reference guide is being developed for Barkley and Clayoquot Sounds to support integrated decision-making.

• The desire to benefit from economic opportunity can be the common ground for successful indigenous and non-indigenous community collaboration and partnership.

Community Introduction

West Coast Aquatic’s geographic scope reflects the ‘Ha-houlthee’ (territorial wealth) of fifteen Nuu-chah-nulth First Nations. Stretching approximately 300 kilometers along the West Coast of Vancouver Island (WCVI), from Brooks Peninsula northwest of Kyuquot Sound to southeast of Sheringham Point including Port Renfrew, this area is a unique and rich marine ecosystem that provides food, energy, economic opportunity, water, culture, tourism, recreation, biotechnology, transportation routes, and knowledge to residents, Canadians, and the international community.

Figure 1: Map of Clayoquot Sound (Photo Credit: West Coast Aquatic “Coastal Strategy”, 2012)

The WCVI offers countless opportunities for every type of activity, including: fishing in Port Alberni (named by the World Fishing Network as the “Ultimate Fishing Town” in 2010); outdoor activities such as kayaking in the pristine Broken Group island and hiking Della Falls, the tallest waterfalls in Canada at 1443 feet; and viewing a diverse amount of wildlife. Fishing areas on the WCVI (Clayoquot, Barkley and Nootka) account for three of the top four areas in the Pacific with the highest landed value per hectare(1). There are a number of finfish, shellfish, and marine plant aquaculture operations in the area, producing over 20% of BC’s total aquaculture volume.

The Clayoquot Sound, a sub-region of WCVI, is home to the Ahousaht, Tla-o-qui-aht and Hesquiaht First Nations. Extending from Estevan Point on Hesquiaht Peninsula in the north to Pacific Rim National Park Reserve in the south, it encompasses lush rainforests, magnificent beaches, and several large islands including Flores, Vargas and Meares. Clayoquot Sound is the largest area of ancient temperate rainforest left on Vancouver Island. Marine species and wildlife thrive in this region of ancient forests, where trees can grow to over 15 feet in diameter and as old as 1,500 years. Clayoquot Sound is considered to be one of the most spectacular wilderness areas on the continent and has been declared a United Nations Biosphere Reserve.

Conservation and Livelihood Challenges

Despite the region having tremendous natural assets and opportunities, the area also faces significant challenges. In the mid-1990s, leaders from the West Coast of Vancouver Island came together to discuss key issues: declining fish stocks and increased species at risk; pollution; lack of coastal community access to adjacent resources; unresolved First Nations title, rights, and reconciliation; increased debt and declining funding; lack of governance credibility; social problems; climate change; marine hazards; invasive species; conflicting coastal uses; and food security. The leaders came to the conclusion that there was not one single cause, and not one single cure. Everything is connected. To affect change, a collective effort was required and the West Coast Vancouver Island Aquatic Management Board (now known as ‘West Coast Aquatic’) was born.

Since the mid-1990s, the area has seen some notable advancements: conflicts have decreased; collaboration has increased; rights and title have gained some definition through a treaty and ongoing court cases; risk assessments guide stewardship work; and multi-sector governance models continue to evolve. However, communities continue their efforts to: increase local benefit from resource use; build struggling fishery stocks; preserve the local culture of artisanal and sustenance fishing; and diversify the economy, amongst other issues.

Meanings & Motivations
Viewing the actions of its partners, West Coast Aquatic understands resource conservation in the region to mean sustainable use with respect (iisaak) and active stewardship. Conservation is different from preservation, a term that carries a stigma in the region as being related to those who “say no to everything”. In the past, the region has seen significant conflict between sectors. However, some long-time adversaries are now working together, and long held perspectives are changing as opportunities increase for open dialogue around critical questions. Protocols between First Nations and the aquaculture industry in Clayoquot Sound is a good example.

Community based resource users are conservation motivated by the increasing volume of resource use benefits that are leaving the communities (e.g. a large number of fishing licenses are held by a few corporations), but the environmental impacts are largely felt by those inside the communities. There is an interest in having the inclusion of local knowledge improve decision-making and increasing local benefits.

These users are also interested in giving back to/supporting the resource that is at the heart of their businesses/sport, as they don’t want to lose economic and/or recreational opportunity. Many community based resource users are also multi-generational. They want to continue what their families have done for years, and hope to pass on the practice to their children.

The motivations of First Nations include: regaining their traditional roles of stewardship and management; ensuring the environment can support the full exercise of aboriginal rights and economic aspirations; having management reflect traditional values of hishuk ish tsawalk (everything is one, taking care of the resources is taking care of ourselves and vice versa); and wanting local/traditional knowledge to improve decision making.

Local governments are motivated by the desire to change the perception of what their towns’ identities represent (not just resource economies). Several governments in the regional district are looking to reinvent their brand, and healthy ecosystems are needed to support their new image (e.g. tourism).

Community Initiative

Recognizing the size and interconnected nature of these issues, local groups created West Coast Aquatic as a forum to pool resources and work towards collective solutions. The formation of West Coast Aquatic was right around the same time that Canada passed the Oceans Act (1997), one of the first pieces of national legislation to recognize emerging challenges in oceans and coastal health and also aimed at mandating collective action.

In this context, West Coast Aquatic set out to produce an integrated strategy to improve the health and wealth of the west coast of Vancouver Island. Through interviews with over 700 organizations and individuals, the Coastal Strategy was developed. Central to the strategy is bringing together knowledge from different sources about the West Coast of Vancouver Island area to create a common understanding of what is happening, why, and what needs to be done.

Governance Related to Challenges Being Addressed
West Coast Aquatic provides several consensus-based forums for involving First Nations and other local communities in decision-making. These include a Governance Board that makes policy recommendations to government, and multi-sector roundtables for salmon management. The Governance Board includes representatives from all levels of government, Nuu-chah-nulth First Nations, and all sectors with an interest in aquatic resource management (e.g. commercial fishing, aboriginal fishing, recreational & sport fishing, aquaculture, environment, processing, labour, tourism & recreation, marine transportation and forestry) (see Figure 2). The Salmon Roundtables include representatives from the Federal Government, Nuu-chah-nulth First Nations, all salmon fishing sectors, and stewardship organizations.

Figure 2: Collaborative, consensus-based governance (Photo Credit: Tawney Lem)

Both the Governance Board and Roundtables incorporate diverse tools and methods (including the Nuu-chah-nulth management principles of hishuk ish tsawalk and iisaak, values based discussion, and consensus) for truly representative and collaborative decision-making that produces lasting results. Through inclusive representation, the Governance Board and Roundtables empower users and groups to have more authority over managing the resources in their communities.

Monitoring and Evaluation of Outcomes
Monitoring of West Coast Aquatic’s work is done both formally and informally. The Governance Board has set four strategic priorities: collaborative governance, ecosystem approach, access to resources, and stewardship. For each priority, outcomes, outputs, activities and indicators are developed that are guided by the Coastal Strategy. At the end of each year, the Governance Board reviews areas of success and opportunities for advancement in the coming year. Some of the outcomes that are monitored include:

Governance:
• Improvement in the quality and inclusiveness of marine resource based decisions.
• Reduction in the potential for conflicts between users.

Ecosystem Approach:
• Marine Ecosystem Reference Guide recommendations are harmonized with government advisory processes.
• Marine Ecosystem Reference Guide information is accessible, up-to-date, and is factored into the development and review of applications.
• Planning is ecosystem based.

Access to Resources:
• Improved community access to seafood.
• Expanded economic diversity and activities, and increased economic stability.

Stewardship:
• Areas that are integral to marine ecosystem health and abundance are protected.
• Stewardship actions of resource users are increased.

For the Roundtables’, the Terms of Reference and goals are reviewed annually, and a post-season evaluation is conducted by all Roundtable participants to assess the success of the harvest plans. Feedback is then incorporated during joint development of the coming year’s plans.

Practical Outcomes

Since 2001, the West Coast Aquatic Governance Board has maintained the participation by all governments, First Nations and sectors. Recently, the Terms of Reference was amended so that the appointment of First Nations’ representatives was more reflective of the First Nations’ governance structures. This has increased the number of First Nations’ seats from two to eight, and this is anticipated to increase their connection to the Governance Board.

Access to resources and community benefit from resource use are two important issues for the Governance Board. WCVI fishers continue to struggle with the impacts of the Pacific Salmon Treaty, which has led to a 52% reduction in Chinook catch and 28% reduction in the regional troll fleet. This has the potential to profoundly change trolling as an economic component of coastal livelihoods and as a historic aspect of the fishing industry.

West Coast Aquatic is facilitating discussions between troll groups with the goal of bringing a consensus proposal to the Federal government on the use of the remaining Chapter 3 (Chinook) mitigation fund, and is also hosting WCVI wide discussions so community interests can be documented and included in the negotiations of a new version of the Pacific Salmon Treaty.

One action item identified in the Coastal Strategy was the need for marine spatial planning. The goal was to be able to assess the intersection between activities and values, thereby promoting the conservation of significant ecological, cultural and social values as the ‘right activities are matched to the right location’.

Over a three-year period, West Coast Aquatic embarked on an extensive process with its community partners to conduct extensive interviews that documented new knowledge, verify existing information through community experts, and carry out modeling using the Marine InVEST and Marxan models. Another year was spent gathering additional feedback through sector and public review sessions.

After thoughtful discussions about West Coast Aquatic’s role, and in order to ensure that the authority of decision makers was maintained, it has been decided that the end product of these efforts is not a “plan”, but more of a resource that will guide ecosystem based decision making that is inclusive of indigenous, local, and scientific knowledge (Figure 3). The 300 data layers and associated decision-making recommendations will be available online in an interactive platform later in 2016.

The salmon Roundtables continue and have been cited up and down the coast as a successful model and regional solution that can contribute towards the federal government’s mandate to “work with provinces, territories, Indigenous Peoples, and other stakeholders to better co-manage our three oceans.”(1) Based on the success of the salmon Roundtables, discussions continue on the potential of using the Roundtable model for the management of other species.

Figure 3: Community-Based Planning (Photo Credit: West Coast Aquatic staff)

West Coast Aquatic also facilitated the Pacific Rim Education and Tourism Committee through a year of research and strategy development on Education Tourism opportunities for four central west coast communities. Agreeing on the viability of the opportunity, communities are now inviting other communities and several strategic partners to join them in the implementation phase that will be led by the Clayoquot Biosphere Trust. While a new economic opportunity is progress in itself, perhaps the even greater success was having two indigenous and two non-indigenous communities form a partnership around a common interest.

Next Steps:
Within the Marine Ecosystem Reference Guide (tentative name, previously known as the Marine Spatial Plan), ecologically significant areas (ESA) were identified. Currently, 31% of the Clayoquot Sound is formally protected, however another 28% has been identified as being ecologically significant. As the next step, West Coast Aquatic will initiate a multi-sector engagement process that investigates what conservation measures (e.g. ranging from protocols through to formal marine protected areas) might be desirable and effective for the new ESAs. This initiative can also contribute towards the federal government’s mandate of “increasing the proportion of Canada’s marine and coastal areas that are protected to five percent by 2017, and ten percent by 2020”(1).

On the ground monitoring was initiated in the Clayoquot Sound based on data gaps identified in the Chinook Risk Assessment (e.g. water quality, temperature, pH, and alkalinity). The next major undertaking will be the development of a comprehensive monitoring program to ensure that goals in the Coastal Strategy are being met, and that use of the Marine Ecosystem Reference Guide is in fact leading to the desired conservation goals. A series of workshops will be held to identify what monitoring is already taking place, what indicators are most meaningful for communities, and which partners will take on the implementation of monitoring which indicators

References

1. Office of the Prime Minister. 2015. Minister of Fisheries, Oceans and the Canadian Coast Guard mandate letter.

Acknowledgements

West Coast Aquatic recognizes that our work would not be possible without the generous participation and contribution of many knowledgeable First Nations, community organizations, non-governmental organizations, government ministries and departments, academics, and community members.

Thank you to the CCRN for its financial support, which has been directed towards community engagement and capacity building. We are grateful to the Alberni Clayoquot Regional District for their grants towards the core of our organization, the West Coast Aquatic Governance Board. And, the ability to facilitate the salmon Roundtables is due to the Pacific Integrated Commercial Fisheries Initiative (PICFI) Co-management Element.
West Coast Aquatic also extends special appreciation to the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation for its commitment to marine conservation, and for generously funding the development of the Coastal Strategy and Marine Ecosystem Reference Guide.

This research is being carried out with the aid of a Doctoral Research Award from the Canadian International Development Research Centre, a doctoral award from the Social Science and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada, a SSHRC grant held by Dr. Derek Armitage as part of a Coastal-Marine Transformation Project, and support from the SSHRC-funded Community Conservation Research Network (CCRN).

View the CCRN’s Nuu-chah-nulth Community Story as a PDF

Dawn Foxcroft, Don Hall and Lissa Cowan Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council, Canada; info@uuathluk.ca

Key Messages

* Since the 2009 Ahousaht et al. vs. Canada decision, recognizing the rights of five Nuu-chah-nulth First Nations to fish and sell fish, Nuu-chah-nulth have been developing fishing plans in accordance to their principles, Hishukish Tsawalk (everything is one) and ?iisaak (respect with caring).

* Nuu-chah-nulth’s strong conservation ethic is demonstrated in their successful efforts to protect the herring stocks from commercial harvest along the west coast of Vancouver Island since 2014.

* Nuu-chah-nulth First Nations have been forced to utilize legal actions to protect their resources and

Community Introduction

The west coast of Vancouver Island is a culturally rich and ecologically significant area for the more than seventy-four thousand(1) who call it home. Since time immemorial, Nuu-chah-nulth people have occupied the lands and waters of this coast, hunting, fishing, and gathering the abundant aquatic resources that thrive in the ocean, inlets, bays and rivers. Nuu-chah-nulth territory spans the coast from Brooks Peninsula in the north to Nitinat Lake in the south. Today there are over nine thousand(2) Nuu-chah-nulth people from fourteen First Nations. Before contact with Europeans, Nuu-chah-nulth communities depended solely on this rich environment for their survival, conducting both economic and subsistence fisheries across broad areas of the coast and inland waters.

Figure 1: Map of Nuu-chah-nulth Ha-houlthee (traditional territory)

Conservation and Livelihood Challenges

Following contact with Europeans and the development of commercial fishing fleets, the Nuu-chah-nulth continued to participate in marine and freshwater fisheries. In some communities, as many as 90% of the men fished for their livelihood(3). However, devastating events contributed to a shift in this way of life, severing the relationship between the Nuu-chah-nulth people and their aquatic resources. Significant among these events were Canadian fisheries policies and regulations that diminished and excluded Nuu-chah-nulth participation in Vancouver Island’s west coast fisheries. Today, in most Nuu-chah-nulth communities, only a handful of fishers remain – although as will be described below, Nuu-chah-nulth efforts continue to reverse this situation and to restore fishing as an important part of their economies.

Figure 2: One of the T’aaq-wiihak fishers on the water.

Ahousaht et al vs. Canada

In June of 2003, Nuu-chah-nulth Nations filed a Writ of Summons against Canada and British Columbia seeking recognition of their Aboriginal fishing rights. The trial began in 2006, and included testimony from expert witnesses including Shawn Atleo, former National Chief of the Assembly of First Nations, anthropologists, former staff of Fisheries and Oceans Canada (DFO), and Nuu-chah-nulth fishers and knowledge holders.

The case was argued that Nuu-chah-nulth have Aboriginal rights to fish and sell fish by their preferred means and in their preferred locations, because fishing provided an economic basis for their communities before contact with Europeans. On November 3, 2009, after 123 days of trial and many months of deliberation, the BC Supreme Court issued its judgment, saying, “At contact, the Nuu-chah-nulth were overwhelmingly a fishing people. They depended almost entirely on their harvest of the resources of the ocean and rivers to sustain themselves.” The decision added that Nuu-chah-nulth people were able to prove a long history of trading and selling fisheries resources, and that this translated into a modern right to “fish and sell all species of fish in their territories.” Through this decision, Ahousaht et al vs. Canada (2009), Nuu-chah-nulth Nations established Aboriginal rights to harvest any species of fish (other than geoduck) from their territories and to sell that fish in the commercial marketplace.

The five First Nations involved in that court decision have been developing fishing plans since 2009. For more than six years, the Nations have submitted these plans to DFO as a part of negotiation efforts toward a Nuu-chah-nulth fishery based on aboriginal rights (referred to as a rights-based fishery). In addition to reflecting Nuu-chah-nulth values, the fishing plans would benefit coastal communities by providing employment, a local source of seafood for consumers, and much needed new revenue into the local economy. Unfortunately, DFO has not accepted Nuu-chah-nulth plans for sustainable, community-based fisheries and has instead offered minimal access, largely through existing commercial fishing regulations and policies. These are the same regulations and policies that the Courts found had cumulatively infringed Nuu-chah-nulth rights. They are also the same regulations and policies which have contributed to the current state of depleted ocean resources.

Community Initiative

Today, the five Nations are negotiating with Canada to design Aboriginal rights-based fisheries that exemplify conservation in their design; they are small-scale fisheries, not heavily capitalized or intensive industrial fisheries. The negotiating body is called T’aaq-wiihak, which means “fishing with the permission of the Ha’wiih (hereditary Chiefs).” Through this body, negotiators are working to reinstate Ha’wiih as decision makers and rights holders in their ha-houlthee (traditional territories). Nuu-chah-nulth Ha’wiih and leaders continue to exemplify a conservation ethic through recommendations and requests to DFO.  This is seen clearly through the efforts of Nuu-chah-nulth Nations toward rebuilding herring on the west coast of Vancouver Island. To this end, the Nations proactively met with DFO to recommend strategies, including maintaining closures to commercial gill net and seine herring fisheries.

Figure 3: Ua-a-thluk Associate Biologist, Sabrina Crowley, shows the thin layer of herring roe during Herring Assessment Training, Barkley Sound.

Unfortunately, in 2014, DFO chose not to implement this recommendation and instead allowed a 10% harvest. In response, Nuu-chah-nulth Nations wrote to the fishing industry urging fishers not to fish for herring on the west coast of Vancouver Island. The Nations called for a meeting with Canada’s Fisheries Minister to discuss their concerns. Ultimately, it was an injunction successfully obtained by five Nuu-chah-nulth Nations that stopped the commercial harvest of herring along the west coast of Vancouver Island for the 2014 season.

Figure 4: Nuu-chah-nulth Nations, host Nations and supporters gather on the steps of Vancouver Law Courts for song, prayer and a few words on the first day of the Justification trial (Ahousaht et al), March, 2015.

In 2015, still seeing a persistent lack of herring, Nuu-chah-nulth Ha’wiih and leaders again advised DFO not to open a commercial herring fishery in their Ha-houlthee for the 2015 fishing season. However, DFO and the commercial herring industry chose an adversarial path like that of the previous year. The Nations again went to court but were unsuccessful in obtaining an injunction, so the herring fishery took place. However, as has been predicted by Nuu-chah-nulth knowledge holders, the herring remained in low abundance and the few commercial herring vessels that came to Nuu-chah-nulth territories to fish left with their holds empty.

Prior to the 2016 herring season, Nuu-chah-nulth Nations and the commercial herring industry reached an agreement through a Letter of Understanding to not fish the west coast of Vancouver Island. This letter of Understanding was presented to the new Fisheries Minister and the Minister eventually agreed to the no-fishing recommendation of the Nations and industry. Nuu-chah-nulth Nations continue to encourage DFO and industry to work collectively on a Herring Rebuilding and Management Framework with long term fishery objectives that all parties can support.

Practical Outcomes

Although the Ahousaht decision has not been implemented fully due to stalling from Canada’s government, the Nuu-chah-nulth are still seeing positive results of rights-based community fisheries from the five T’aaq-wiihak Nations that, since the court decision, have been selling sustainably caught suuḥaa (chinook salmon), caʔinwa (gooseneck barnacles) and p̓uuʔi (halibut) on Vancouver Island’s west coast. Ha’oom, the Nations’ wild seafood brand, is recommended “ocean friendly” by Ocean Wise, and is purchased by conscientious consumers that are mindful of local and global conservation issues.

The Nuu-chah-nulth Ahousaht decision, once implemented to its full extent, will allow the Nuu-chah-nulth, who have protected and harvested on the west coast of Vancouver Island for thousands of years, to strengthen their relationships with these resources. The result will be increased economic opportunities not only for Nuu-chah-nulth communities but also for neighbouring coastal communities. The Nuu-chah-nulth, along with communities in remote coastal areas, are reliant on the ocean for food and transportation. Being a constant watchful eye along the coast, Nuu-chah-nulth elders, fishers, and leadership have an important role in monitoring the ocean resources. Despite this, Nuu-chah-nulth Nations have found that the Canadian government, with Federal management authority over the ocean resources, has not always valued the requests and advice from Nuu-chah-nulth communities.

However, the success of 2016, when the Canadian Federal government agreed not to open the commercial herring fishery, is seen by Nuu-chah-nulth and other coastal Nations as a sign of change from the Canadian government. There is hope of coming closer to the goal of the government acknowledging the authority of Nuu-chah-nulth Ha’wiih and leadership over the resources within their territories, and working collaboratively with Nuu-chah-nulth communities to develop sustainable relationships valuing conservation and livelihoods with their shared sea resources.

References

BCStats. 2013. Sub Population Estimates (used population amounts for Alberni Clayoquot and Strathcona). Accessed December 5, 2016 from: http://www.bcstats.gov.bc.ca/StatisticsBySubject/Demography/PopulationEstimates.aspx

British Columbia. 2014. First Nation Negotiations. Accessed December 5, 2016 from: http://www.gov.bc.ca/arr/firstnation/nuu_chah_nulth/default.html

Benson Nookemis. 2008. Benson Nookemis testimony from Ahousaht et al. vs. Canada, June 12, 2008.

A short documentary on fishing rights and traditional livelihoods among the Nuu-chah-nulth First Nations.