View the complete CCRN’s Clayoquot Sound Community Story as a PDF

Laura Loucks

Key Messages

• Collective action in an unsustainable social-ecological system can catalyse a shift towards increased community sustainability when supported with financial resources and appropriate local institutions.

• Cross-cultural knowledge sharing and place-based learning are integral to transforming social-ecological systems at the community level.

• Social innovation can assist with transformation when supported by a network of collaborative organizations with a shared set of principles and a united vision to inspire change.

Community Profile

For millennia, the Indigenous Nuu-chah-nulth people have had strong cultural and livelihood connections with the terrestrial, fresh water and marine ecosystems of the west coast of Vancouver Island, Canada. Within this area, Clayoquot Sound is located primarily in the Nuu-chah-nulth Ha’ huulthii (homelands) of Hesquiaht, Ahousaht and Tla-o-qui-aht First Nations, encompassing nearly 350,000 hectares of a complex and globally significant social-ecological landscape (Figure 1).

The ecosystems of Clayoquot Sound are rich in biodiversity and characterized by a large contiguous rainforest canopy of old growth western red cedar and western hemlock covering steep-sided coastal mountains throughout six watersheds.

Figure 1: Clayoquot Sound UNESCO Biosphere region

Conservation and Livelihood Challenges

Resource extraction, conflict and collective action
Over the last 50 years, local communities have constantly struggled to assert local access rights to Crown resources and shape government policies for more sustainable resource management practices in fishing and logging. In the forestry industry, unresolved Aboriginal land claims and corporate rights to Timber Forest Licenses were at the heart of unsustainable land use. For example, logging companies commonly built roads along steep mountain slopes, despite the high risk of soil erosion and damage to stream and river habitats. Similarly, large tracts of old growth rainforest were clearcut, causing significant ecological damage without the consultation or consent of the Nuu-chah-nulth Ha’ wiih, who carry the traditional responsibility to preside over and protect the Nuu-chah-nulth Ha’ huulthii⁽⁹⁾.

However, in 1982 the affirmation of Aboriginal rights and treaty rights within Section 35 of the Canadian Constitution marked an enormous shift in Canadian Law⁽⁵⁾. These rights were further strengthened in the seminal Meares Island Case, which catalyzed a transformation process still underway in Clayoquot Sound⁽⁵⁾.

In 1984, a coalition of leaders and residents from Tla-o-qui-aht First Nation and the town of Tofino sought to protect Meares Island, within Clayoquot Sound, from being logged by the MacMillan Bloedel forestry company. The Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council claimed the island as part of the traditional territory to which it had Aboriginal title and sought a court injunction against the logging of the Island. Subsequently, the logging company requested their own court injunction against the coalition. In an unprecedented decision, the British Columbia Court of Appeal granted the injunction to the Nuu-chah-nulth based on the irreversible damages of unsustainable forestry practices⁽⁵⁾. In the words of Justice Seaton,

“It appears that the area to be logged will be wholly logged. The forest that the Indians know and use will be permanently destroyed. The tree from which the bark was partially stripped in 1642 may be cut down, middens may be destroyed, fish traps damaged and canoe runs despoiled. Finally, the island’s symbolic value will be gone. The subject matter of the trial will be destroyed before the rights are decided”^{(5, pg.149)}.

The victory of the Meares Island Case also marked the beginning of the Tla-o-qui-aht assertion of rights and title to the Meares Island Tribal Park, and 10 years of conflict⁽⁹⁾. In 1994, in an effort to resolve an escalating environmental campaign, the British Columbia government announced a Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Practices in Clayoquot Sound. Through this, the Nuu-chah-nulth principle of hishuk-ish-ts’awalk (everything is one and interconnected) inspired a set of new hybrid protocols designed to respect both traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and scientific knowledge systems^(6). Recommendations of the scientific panel were eventually instituted through watershed management plans that now provide the foundation for adaptive ecosystem management in the region. One plan is in the Indigenous community of Ahousaht, where Chief Maquinna has noted:

“The Ahousaht believe that this is the beginning of a new era, based on recognition and celebration of Ahousaht people and culture, conservation of the world-class forest and marine resources of Clayoquot Sound, and the development of a more diversified, sustainable local economy, including community forestry.”⁽⁸⁾

Community Initiatives

Today, the principles and protocols established by the Scientific Panel are embodied in local community organizations with new governance models based on the shared desire to build a sustainable future on West Coast Vancouver Island. One such example is the Clayoquot Biosphere Trust (CBT), which is led by a voluntary board of directors, representing all local First Nations and communities within the Clayoquot Sound Biosphere Reserve, with a vision:

“…to live sustainably in a healthy ecosystem with a diversified economy and strong, vibrant and united cultures while embracing the Nuu-chah-nulth First Nations living philosophies of Iisaak, (living respectfully), Qwa’aak qin teechmis (life in balance) and Hishuk ish ts’awalk (all things are connected)”⁽²⁾.

In 2016, a collaboration of the CBT, First Nations, municipal governments, local education organizations and destination marketing organizations, launched the West Coast NEST (Nature, Education, Sustainability, Transformation) to connect people to all current learning opportunities offered in the region, focusing on four key market sectors: university field schools, professional development courses, adult learning and youth learning opportunities.

The vision is to enable all local community members and education-oriented organizations to participate fully in the learning economy, together with visiting learners⁽⁷⁾(Figure 2). By linking learning with tourism, the West Coast NEST is creating a global network of learners who can help catalyze a new local economic opportunity while shifting values towards sustainable livelihoods.

Figure 2: Nuu-chah-nulth Elder Ray Haipee teaching visiting learners.

Nested within the Nuu-chah-nulth values of Iisaak, qwa’aak qin teechmis and hishuk ish ts’awalk, the education tourism initiative is an opportunity to transform conventional tourism to attract a different type of visitor: one who wants to stay longer on the West Coast, learn from local people, experience local culture and contribute to stewardship of this ecologically significant place.

In this manner, local community organizations are working to shift away from an unsustainable tourist ‘consumer’ economy and moving incrementally towards a new ‘conserver’ economy, where broken cultures are restored and damaged SES are re-built. The communities see education tourism as having the potential to support an economic return from visiting learners while expanding local learning opportunities.

Seven principles for education tourism:
1) Attract co-learners: we welcome others to learn with us.
2) Community reciprocity: we share benefits between communities.
3) Local knowledge holders are experts: local people are reimbursed for sharing their knowledge.
4) Learning networks of practice: together, we are creating a culture of learning and collaborative problem solving.
5) Stewardship-in-place: every community has an outdoor classroom and a place to learn from the land.
6) Holistic hands-on learning: we learn best by applied learning and practice.
7) Cultural safety and sharing: we create safe spaces for learning and healing across cultural boundaries.

Practical Outcomes

References

Acknowledgements

Support for this story was provided by the Community Conservation Research Network (CCRN) and the Clayoquot Biosphere Trust (CBT).

View the complete CCRN’s Qeshm Island Community Story as a PDF

Razieh Ghayoumi and Anthony Charles

Key Messages   

• The people and communities of Qeshm Island, a UNESCO Global Geopark, have a strong connection to the land and sea. This connection, and a strong sense of environmental belonging, has encouraged them to actively participate in community conservation, and to develop sustainable livelihoods.

• Qeshm Island is home to sacred sites and species, which can provide a foundation for community-based conservation areas.

• Ecotourism offers economic, ecological and conservation benefits to the residents of Qeshm Island, while being respectful to the local culture and new forms of livelihood.

Community Profile

Figure 1: Map of Iran and Qeshm Island

Qeshm Island is well known due to the region’s historical background, customs, traditional clothes, fishing, festivals, sacred sites and ecotourism attractions – such as mangrove forests, turtle hatcheries, coral reefs, coastal diversity, marine mammals, and attractive geographical phenomena^(9,3). The main sources of income for the people on Qeshm Island are fishing and maritime trade⁽³⁾.

Conservation and Livelihood Challenges

Local communities in Qeshm Island face numerous threats and obstacles to sustainable development, including lack of recognition, inappropriate tourism, climate change, acculturation (influx of non-native people for trade and visiting), inappropriate development, illegitimate jobs (smuggling clothes and foods), overfishing, pollution, capacity for oil/gas/mineral exploration, habitat reduction, hot weather, limited fresh water resources and lack of appropriate infrastructure.

Community Initiatives

Two decades after development increased on Qeshm Island, the local people show resilience to detrimental change and they have increased their efforts to keep their traditions alive, conserve the environment, and build the economy in a way that fits with local values. The local communities reflect a sense of belonging, livelihood needs and spiritual and social values in their involvement with conservation, and in learning how to develop tourism based on their natural attractions and their culture⁽⁹⁾.

Culture

Figure 3: A water reservoir in Laft Historical Port, Qeshm Island

Conservation

Practical outcomes

Figure 4: Setting up a safe place for turtle egg hatching and monitoring in Shibderaz village, Qeshm Island

References

13 For further information, please see: http://qeshmgeopark.ir/en/pages/geopark/unesco-global-geopark

Acknowledgement

See below for the Persian language abstract for this community story, ” جزیره قشم، جنوب ایران , راهبری حفاظت با مشارکت جامعه و اکوتوریسم”

View the CCRN’s The Gambia Community Story as a PDF

Cathy Conrad*, Amy Berry and Meagan Symington Saint Mary’s University; *cconrad@smu.ca

Key Messages

• Tujereng is a coastal community being negatively impacted by the adverse effects of climate change and has been developing innovative conservation, mitigation and adaptation strategies to reduce their vulnerability.
• CCRN researchers worked with the community to tell their story and provide policy recommendations to enhance the resilience of coastal communities and their ecosystems.
• Community members in Tujereng have pursued the government’s Community Forestry Programme (CFP), seeking new ways to sustain and expand local conservation efforts.

Community Introduction

The Gambia, located in sub-Saharan West Africa (Figure 1), is extremely vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change. These include erratic rainfall patterns, extended drought, flooding, coastal erosion and sea level rise(1). These impacts will exacerbate current challenges of desertification, deforestation and decreasing water quality.

Figure 1: Map – The Gambia (Cartography: Will Flanagan)

The coastline consists of 80 km along the Atlantic Ocean and 200 km along the Gambia River, covered in mangroves and mudflats(2). Mangroves help protect coastal areas from flooding, provide crucial habitats for fish spawning, and are imperative for rice farming(3). Agricultural practices, along with tilapia, shrimp, and oyster farming, provide significant economic and livelihoods benefits in the country(4).

Conservation and Livelihood Challenges

The Gambia lacks necessary policies to adequately protect the coastal zone(2) (Figure 2). Citizens have reported feelings of anxiousness, uncertainty, and helplessness in response to a rapidly changing climate(5).

Figure 2: Coastal Zone in The Gambia – The Commuity of Tujereng. (Photo Credit: Oliver Woods)

Subsistence farmers and small-scale fishermen who rely heavily on their local environmental knowledge are the most likely to be impacted. In some cases, traditional knowledge that has been passed down from generation to generation, such as which crops to plant, where to hunt, and what weather to expect in a given season, is no longer reliable(6). Inhabitants who are highly vulnerable to perturbations in their environment have limited adaptive capacity to mitigate or adjust to the climatic impacts, yet, insufficient adaptation planning has occurred.

Community Initiative

Environmental Policy in The Gambia:
The Government of The Gambia created the National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) in 2007, to identify the priority needs and activities in response to climate change. One of its priority projects was the expansion of community participation in the management of forests and protected areas. Globally, the management of forests is significant as deforestation is the second leading cause of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions(7) – a leading contributor to climate change. In response, community-based forest conservation initiatives are increasing across The Gambia. To implement the NAPA, the government focused on Village Development Committees (VDC). Each community has a VDC with 10-12 members responsible for increasing the participation of rural communities in development processes(8). In theory, using VDCs would be more effective for designing and implementing adaptation strategies. However, VDCs sometimes exclude traditionally marginalized groups, and thus fail to fully represent all stakeholders in the process.

The CCRN and Tujereng
As part of a multi-scale alliance, CCRN researchers conducted community interviews (Figure 3) and workshops involving 33 youth and 43 adults in collaboration with the Department of Water Resources, National Environment Agency, Department of Forestry, Tujereng VDC, Mori Kunda Community Forest Committee, and Nova Scotia Gambia Association (NSGA). The goal of this alliance is to look at “how participatory adaptation (or mitigation) strategies are taking place” using a multi-sectorial approach. Additionally, incorporating local perceptions and indigenous knowledge will help mainstream climate change with other development issues in the community.

Figure 3: Interview with Tujereng Community Member. (Photo Credit: Oliver Woods)

Practical Outcomes

These partners were able to achieve the following outcomes: (1) document climate change and environmental perceptions which were previously unknown or underrepresented, (2) deliver effective educational interventions through successful collaboration with governmental and non-governmental agencies, (3) offer policy recommendations to improve environmental conservation and climate change adaptation and mitigation strategies for the benefit of local communities and future NAPA strategies. In addition, key trends emerged:

Voices Being Heard
Too often, climate discussions have been dominated by the voices of scientific experts, media broadcasters, and politicians, using modeling data and statistics, policy statements and executive summaries. The alliance of communities, government and researchers attempted to fill this gap, creating spaces for Tujereng to voice their concerns and evaluate the policies and management plans (the NAPA and the Community Forestry Programme) which affect their daily lives (Figure 4). Thus, giving a voice to Gambians who are living through climate change; to share what they have to say about their experiences and challenges and to encourage consideration. Their relationship with their environment is being transformed, and this collaboration worked to provide meaningful and context-specific community-based educational opportunities, as well as working towards integrating the voices and perceptions of the community into government policies.

Figure 4: Consulting with the Tujereng Council of Elders. (Photo Credit: Oliver Woods)

Unpredictable Weather is Invalidating Certain Traditional Knowledge
Knowledge passed down from parent to child has long dictated which crops to plant, when, where, and what yields to expect, although this is increasingly being affected by climate change. Farmers have suffered unpredictable, irregular rainy seasons in recent years largely invalidating their traditional knowledge. For fishers, changing wind patterns are preventing them from fishing in certain areas. The adaptive capacity of Gambians to respond to climate change is already very low, leading to concern for well-being, especially of vulnerable members of society.

Lessons learned from the Community Forestry Programme (CFP)
Tujereng is threatened by water and food insecurity, as well as forest loss and degradation, thus increasing their vulnerability to climate change. In an attempt to protect local forest reserves, community members in Tujereng have pursued the government’s Community Forestry Programme (CFP), seeking new ways to sustain and expand local conservation efforts. Community engagement with internal and external agencies provides further support to this process by creating spaces for enhanced collaboration, education, and linkages between actors.

Communal Leadership
Tujereng is well-organized, with a well-respected Alkalo (village head) and strong sense of communal leadership. Men and women from various ages and associations are routinely consulted on different community matters. Every Sunday a ‘Council of Elders’ holds a ‘community court’ where local disputes can be brought to the attention of, and mediated by, community members. The community court is at times used to discuss environmental issues and advocate for conservation initiatives within the community.

The Role of Community Groups
Within the community, several groups are influential in forest conservation. The Mori Kunda clan, known as religious scholars and traditional healers, are responsible for the protection of the nearby forest, which provides forest products and traditional medicine. The Mori Kunda contribute to the wider community of Tujereng by providing communal resources such as firewood for gatherings or fencing materials for local soccer fields and school grounds. The Tujereng NSGA Peer Health Educators (PHE) also contribute to forest conservation by educating their peers and the larger community about environmental stewardship as a means of empowerment and knowledge mobilization through the use of drama (Figure 5).

Figure 5: Tujereng Peer Health Educators. (Photo Credit: Oliver Woods)

Major obstacles to the CFP include enforcement, economic sustainability and the regeneration of indigenous vegetation. Moreover, the CFP in Tujereng does not currently include mangroves, which could considerably improve the overall climate adaptation strategy and decrease local vulnerability to food insecurity. The integration of local knowledge has a strong capacity to enhance the community’s motivation for environmental stewardship through public environmental education and awareness-building programs as well as enforcement initiatives.

References

1. Government of The Gambia. (2013). Mainstreaming climate change resilience into development planning in the Gambia. International Institute for Environment and Development. Banjul: The Gambian Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs.

2. Drammeh, F. (2013). Assessing and adapting to Climate-Change Induced Sea-level rise on the Southern Coastline of The Gambia. New York: United Nations-Nippon Foundation Fellowship.

3. Jallow, B. (1999). Coastal zone of The Gambia and the Abidjan region in Côte d’Ivoire: sea level rise vulnerability, response strategies, and adaptation options. Climate Research, 12, 129–136.

4. Crow, B & Carney, j. (2013). Commercializing Nature: Mangrove Conservation and Female Oyster Collectors in The Gambia. Antipode, 45(2): 275–293.

5. Turner, N.J., Clifton, H. (2009). “It’s so different today”: Climate change and indigenous lifeways in British Columbia, Canada. Global Environmental Change 19, 180-190.

6. Vedwan, N., Rhoades R.E. (2001). Climate change in the Western Himalayas of India: a study of local perception and response. Climate Research 19, 109-117.

7. UNEP, FAO, UNFF. (2009). Vital Forest Graphics. [Lambrechts, C., Wilkie, M., Rucevska, I. & Sen, M. (Eds.)]. Nairobi, KE: UNEP/GRID-Arendal.

8. National Environment Agency. (2010). State of the Environment Report (SER-TG). 2nd ed. Jimpex Road, Kanifing, The Gambia-West Africa.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank the community of Tujereng, the Mori Kunda Community Forest Committee, the Nova Scotia Gambia Association, the National Environment Agency, the Department of Water Resources, and the Department of Forestry in The Gambia as well as the Robin Rigby Trust Fund.

This research is being carried out with the aid of a Doctoral Research Award from the Canadian International Development Research Centre, a doctoral award from the Social Science and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada, a SSHRC grant held by Dr. Derek Armitage as part of a Coastal-Marine Transformation Project, and support from the SSHRC-funded Community Conservation Research Network (CCRN).

Since 2009, members of Uu-a-thluk and Mowachaht/Muchalaht fisheries have conducted studies on the river as part of an international initiative of the Pacific Salmon Commission to practice science based conservation and sustainable harvest sharing to ensure healthy salmon stocks, and an adequate return to their place of origin. This project has been funded by the Southern Endowment Fund since 2014 and is a continuation of other studies from 2009-2013 that the Sentinel Stocks Program funded to improve assessment of Chinook salmon along Vancouver Island’s west coast as outlined in the Pacific Salmon Treaty between Canada and the U.S. The Pacific Salmon Treaty is awaiting renewal at the end of 2017.

Using a method called mark-recapture, Dunlop has observed that the spawning longevity of these fish may depend on flood timing that governs when they can enter the rivers’ spawning area after spending time adapting their osmoregulation* to freshwater near the estuary. The study in the Burman River over the past seven years showed that with delayed flows over time the condition of fish deteriorates. “If they’re delayed entering the spawning grounds then they may only live there for a period of a few days,” said Dunlop. Rain timing delays, and in many cases a lack of large wood in the channel and on the banks, excessive runoff and gravel from logging have altered stream channel dynamics, and all play a role in delaying fish from entering the more limited spawning grounds.

Tagging a Chinook salmon on the Burman River.

Mark-recapture refers to when a portion of the population is captured, marked, and then released. At each subsequent sampling event three to four days per week more fish are marked and the identities of individual live fish recaptured are recorded and assembled into a capture history of each fish. These data are used to validate the necessary assumptions, estimate daily survival and capture rates, and to estimate population size. These modern methods summarize the number of new entrants to estimate total population size. Later, other methods are applied to the same data to estimate how long the fish waited before entering the spawning area.

“We use the population evaluations to get an estimate of the residence time of salmon in the spawning area of the river where they’re normally counted,” he said. “Now we know from the date of the first flood approximately how long these ocean-type Chinook are likely to live on average that year and not have to measure it for the Burman River with expensive radio tags,” explained Dunlop.

“If the first rains come before all the run has arrived, those (few) early fish can have a longer residence time but they may not be the bulk of the population that comes later nor have a large effect on average survey life,” he said. “It all boils down to how much fat a salmon has aboard before it starts the process of adapting to freshwater, maturing and spawning, and how long that takes because they are not eating, and their fuel supply is finite.”

The project on the Burman River tells Dunlop and the Mowachaht/Muchalaht Nation that the longer the fish are delayed by the water can impact the length of time the fish live on spawning grounds. Although this is just the first step in the process of using this information as a tool to help direct aquatic management decisions on the west coast of Vancouver Island. “We want to see if it works at other rivers, and if similar relationships exist for other species in medium to small coastal streams. If it does then this will provide information for more precise but less costly management than what we have used in the past,” said Dunlop.

*Osmoregulation: the maintenance of osmotic pressure in the fluids of an organism by the control of water and salt concentrations.

By Uu-a-thluk

With permission from the author, this article was reproduced from Ha-Shilth-Sa;  The featured image shows the Burman River, which flows through Mowachaht/Muchalaht territory.