Britta Sjöstedt’s presentation will focus on the World Heritage Convention and its application to World Heritage Sites during and after armed conflicts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Elaine Hsiao further explores this and other issues around conservation and conflict focusing on transboundary protected areas of the Greater Virunga Landscape between DRC, Rwanda and Uganda and the Kidepo Landscape between South Sudan and Uganda. Together, in this webinar by Britta Sjöstedt and Elaine Hsiao, we have an opportunity to look at the community dimensions of conflict and conservation in protected areas and to discuss opportunities for conflict transformation and ecological peacebuilding.

View the complete CCRN’s Haruku Village Community Story as a PDF

Ahmad Mony and Arif Satria

Key Messages

• Haruku village is a coastal community that uses sasi laut a local knowledge and culture-based practice of coastal resource conservation.
• Sasi laut was weakened in the 1980s and the early part of the 2000s, due to a lack of government concern about destructive fishing activities as well as the Maluku conflict in 1999-2002. Subsequently, starting in early 2004, through the cooperation of multiple stakeholders, the sasi laut system has strengthened, helping local fishing communities to consider global issues related to conservation practices.
• Cooperation of multiple parties at multiple levels is the best approach for sustainable sasi laut practices.

Community Profile

Haruku Village is located in the island of the same name, in Malaku Province, Indonesia (Figure 1). Most of the island is hilly terrain and nearly all of the population is along the coast. The island consists of four Muslim villages and seven Christian villages ⁽¹⁾. The people of Haruku Island depend on the plantation sector as their main livelihood. Marine resources are not yet used as the main support system for livelihoods due to limitations on local utilisation of fishery commodities.

In the island, an indigenous practice of coastal resource protection, called sasi laut, has been used for hundreds of years. Sasi laut is a form of traditional institution regulating the management of coastal resources based on the knowledge, norms and value systems of the Indigenous people of Maluku.

Figure 1: Location of Haruku Island

This system regulates the rights and obligations of the indigenous peoples in utilizing and protecting coastal resources. As defined by Harkes and Novaczek (2000, pp.1-3), sasi laut “…prohibits the use of destructive and intensive gear (poisonous plants and chemicals, explosives, small mesh lift-nets), but also defines seasonal rules of entry, harvest and activities allowed in specific parts of the sea. The regulations are guarded and enforced by an institution known as the kewang, which functions as a local police force. Their legitimacy, as well as that of the sasi institution itself, is based on adat or customary law”.

Sasi laut has been implemented by the Harukunese for over 400 years. This practice is related to the establishment of Haruku Village and their motivation to save lompa fish (Thrissima balema), a sacred fish species relating to the history of the founding of the village (Figure 2) ⁽⁴⁾.

Figure 2: Harvesting Lompa Fish

Climate change in these coastal areas, which is characterised by ecological and seasonal changes, has provided an understanding for indigenous peoples about the importance of maintaining sasi laut as a local institution to protect coastal areas. Maintaining sasi laut, amidst the impacts of climate change and social transformation, will have an important impact on the preservation of coastal and inland resources, the preservation of culture, and ensuring the availability of fish in the waters.

Conservation and Livelihood Challenges

Recently, the practices of sasi laut has weakened due to the external and internal pressures of the actors involved. The external factors that threatened the existence of the legal practice of sasi laut were modernisation and commercialisation, which resulted in the erosion of traditional values⁽²⁾. Within the Haruku society, sasi laut practices were faced with challenges, such as internal political conflicts, competition in the local economy, regeneration of kewang, and the power of outsiders who did not consider the social and cultural conditions of the indigenous community. In addition, locals spoke of such factors as access to fishery commodity markets, capital limitation, and lack of human resources as the main constraints to switch the orientation of their livelihood income from the plantation to fishery systems (i.e., fishing/aquaculture).

The actors involved in the development of sasi laut had three main interests, economic, ecological and cultural. The economic interests were normally represented by communities, businesses, and local governments. The ecological interests were represented by the traditional leaders, NGOs, universities, donor agencies, environmentalists and researchers. Meanwhile, cultural interests were represented by the indigenous communities, universities, and government. This mixture of interests in the region created uncertainty about the implementation of sasi laut, as kewang were unsure of which motivations to follow, thus weakening sasi laut practices.

Community Initiative

The indigenous community of Haruku, which had been more moderate and adaptive to the issues of coastal resource management, drew on cooperation among actors to further develop sasi laut. Advocacy of relationships with outside parties aroused a new awareness to expand the scope of sasi laut, and the adaptation of new values in sasi laut gained the support of the community. Furthermore, the people were actively involved in such programmes as a mangrove nursery and rehabilitation of mangrove areas in the estuary of the Learisa Kayeli River, one of the lompa fish habitats. The importance of mangrove rehabilitation had been increasingly recognized after the occurrence of coastal erosion in the last few years, which directly threatens human settlements and other public infrastructure.

Practical Outcomes

Due to both external and internal pressures, changes in the political, governance, natural resources and societal livelihood systems have affected the orientation of the sasi laut management system in Maluku, resulting in some positive and negative changes:

First, there has been an increasing awareness of efforts to protect coastal areas and the natural resources therein. This awareness encouraged the emergence of the kewang, assisted by outside parties, such as NGOs and donor agencies, to widen the area protection of the sasi laut system on other resources.

Figure 3: Village Leaders of Haruku

Second, the emergence of gender awareness has encouraged women’s involvement in the sasi laut institution. The involvement of women in the institution was based on the consideration that one of the dimensions of indigenous sasi is female, providing a certain space for the presence of women in the sasi institution pertaining to the processes of law enforcement against woman offenders on sasi.

Third, as a social institution, sasi is vulnerable to family economic problems during its implementation. To overcome this problem, kewang have been provided a business unit in the form of economic management of marine tourism. Kewang have some guest houses with some units rented to researchers and tourists (local and foreign) visiting the Haruku Island, thereby providing additional income locally.

Figure 4: Gosong Bird Conservation

Fourth, there has been a decline in involvement in kewang that is needed to perform surveillance on resources. Some NGOs and donors have noticed problems of kewang regeneration through education and training.

Fifth, the rise of awareness of kewang, and their experience in dealing with outside parties (NGOs, universities and donors) has encouraged kewang empowerment. Kewang of Negeri Haruku have established the Foundation of Haru-Ukui Kalesang to empower kewang in Maluku and coordinate implementation of inter-kewang of sasi laut in Haruku Island. Through this foundation, the kewang in Haruku Island have facilitated some kewang leaders from other villages to attend national seminars on coastal conservation and empowerment of indigenous people (Figure 3).

Recently sasi laut has been developed by expanding the objects of conservation, including mangrove ecosystems, the Gosong bird (Eulipoa wallacei, or Moloccan scrubfowl), turtles, and other coastal resources (Figure 4). In addition, sasi luat is supporting marine tourism through a sasi laut festival in Haruku Village (Figure 5). Gender discourse has also been adopted through the representation of women in the local police corps, kewang. This was facilitated through the efforts made by such external parties as NGOs, donor agencies, and universities.

Figure 5: Sasi Laut Festival of Haruku Village

In terms of legislation, the practice of local wisdom in Indonesia, such as sasi laut, has been recognized by the state through various laws and regulations. Political and natural resource governance changes, coupled with the strengthening of marine conservation discourse in Indonesia, make sasi laut more effective for coastal area protection and resources therein.

In Maluku, the strengthening of sasi laut practices is able to answer the challenges of sustainability in the local system, particularly in implementing Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK), amid global efforts to develop marine conservation networks. Therefore, the authority of sasi laut management must be responsive to the dynamics of the political system, economy, law, governance, science and technology. In conclusion, the transformation of sasi laut should be aimed at strengthening the capacity of human and institutional resources that are adaptive and responsive to external changes.

References

Acknowledgements

Our gratitude is expressed to the community of Haruku Village who has assisted us a lot in collecting data for this research.

Paiche fish (Arapaima gigas)

The purpose of the book was to document existing fisheries as well as the expansion of introduced species, highlighting some of the associated challenges and opportunities and providing policy recommendations. While fisheries in the Bolivian Amazon make use of a high diversity of species and are an important aspect of livelihoods for thousands of rural families as well as urban-based commercial fishers, the sector is only recently receiving more attention in the form of developing regulations and institutional support frameworks. In a rapidly changing landscape of growing regional centres and transportation networks, newly recognized indigenous territories, increasing pressures from resource extraction industry, hydroelectric dam development, and extreme climate events such as floods, fisheries may contribute to sustainable development for communities, if appropriately managed. Fishery production overall is increasing and moving towards growing regional and national markets. The focus of commercial fisheries is shifting towards the introduced paiche (Arapaima gigas), a large bony-tongued fish of high commercial value but which is not commonly part of local diets. In Brazil, where it is native, and known as pirarucú, the fish has been the subject of significant overfishing resulting in fishery closures and more recently an impressive story of recovery through innovative community-based management. While paiche is not native to Bolivia, it has become an established fishery with a significant economic value, and there is interest in managing it for sustainable use in a way that is complementary with the conservation of native fish that are traditionally part of Amazon diets.

Alison led a chapter exploring diversified livelihoods in indigenous communities in the region and the role of fishing for native species and paiche. The research, carried out in collaboration with Faunagua, revealed some of the complexities of livelihood strategies in the region, where many communities live in remote rural locations, isolated from regional markets and social support services. Seasonal harvesting of non-timber forest products (mainly Brazil nuts) is the primary economic activity, while hunting, fishing, and smallholder agriculture are carried out mostly for subsistence purposes, with some occasional trade at the level of regional markets; this appears to be shifting towards greater connectivity and increasing participation in regional markets. Fish is a critical part of local diets and fishing is one of the main livelihood activities, but this value is not readily apparent when it is analyzed in terms of relative contribution to household income. Overall incomes are low and there are few established resource management plans. Despite the presence of paiche in the region, it’s not yet clear if the fish will be accessed by local communities to generate additional income and how it will be managed. Alison also contributed to two other chapters including a detailed survey of indigenous fisheries in the region, and together with Tiffanie and others, the formulation of recommendations for developing and improving the sustainability of the new paiche fishery, while conserving native fish resources that are a cornerstone of local food security and livelihoods. 

The book’s launch follows the recent approval (April 2017) of national-level legislation for fisheries and aquaculture in Bolivia. The new law represents the culmination of many years of work, including expert advice and extensive consultation with actors from all levels of fish value chains, facilitated in large part by Faunagua. Moving forward, policy and programs will be developed using a multi-level governance approach, considering regionally and locally appropriate regulation, management and development of fishery and aquaculture resources.  It is a socially and strategically important step, for the participatory nature of the development process, for improving the recognition and valuing of how fish and people involved in fisheries contribute to food security and sovereignty in Bolivia, and for strengthening protection for the country’s rich aquatic biodiversity (follow this link for more information). 

Tiffanie, now with World Fisheries Trust, is responsible for coordinating Canadian contributions with a focus on participatory research and locally appropriate solutions as part of the Peces para la vida project in Bolivia, supported by the Canadian International Food Security Research Fund.

Alison is one of the graduate students associated with the project, working under the joint supervision of Dr. Tony Charles (Saint Mary’s University) and Dr. Mark Flaherty (University of Victoria). Her research focuses on fishing as part of livelihoods, transformation and community development.

Currently in its 6^th year of implementation, Peces para la vida is a collaboration of Canadian and Bolivian organizations working together to support the contributions of fisheries and aquaculture to food security and improving livelihoods, with a focus on the economic empowerment of indigenous women and families in the Bolivian Amazon. Developing multi-stakeholder networks, strengthening local fisheries organizations, providing credit and financial tools, improving fish quality and regional fish value chains and markets, and new technology for sustainable aquaculture with native fish are among the strategies being developed and tested in partnership with local actors.  

View the CCRN’s Tanzania Community Story as  PDF

Key Messages

Activities are underwayin the Saadani National Park area intended to result in:

• Involving communities in alternative, environmentally compatible livelihood activities that improve well-being for local residents.
• Improving the relationship between the management of Saadani National Park and the surrounding communities.
• Improving land management to arrest deforestation and ensure conservation of critical resource features both within and outside the national park.

Community Introduction

Tanzania’s Saadani National Park, established in 2005 with an area of 1,100 km2, is a coastal strip along the Indian Ocean north of Dar es Salaam. Within the national park system, Saadani is the only coastal park and is especially important for protecting rapidly diminishing coastal forests, the Wami River estuary and mangrove environments, along with a marine component of offshore coral reefs and turtle rearing beach(1).

Figure 1: Map of the Saadani Natinal Park in Tanzania

Four ecozones make up Saadani National Park: the marine environment of the Indian Ocean; the fresh water ecosystem of the major river courses; the coastal forests; and the humid savanna. The marine environment includes the breeding areas and habitat for over 40 fish species and significant populations of gastropods, echinoderms and corals. Mangrove forests and salt pans are located in the central and southern Saadani. Additionally, nesting beaches of the threatened green turtle are protected within the park. The Wami River and its corridor along the southern border of the area remains an important natural freshwater system especially in the river’s lower reaches. The coastal forest zone is critical for regulating the water cycle and provides habitat for a wide variety of mammals including elephants, leopards, kudu, suni, duiker, bush babies and Colobus monkeys. The humid savanna, including long grass, short grass and black cotton plains, supports grazers and browsers such as hartebeest, waterbuck, buffalo, and reedbuck.

Figure 2: Hippos in the Wami River, Saadani National Park (Photo Credit B.K. Downie)

The park was created from three major components of crown land which together comprised approximately 500 km2 of the total land area. Negotiations with villages of the area resulted in the remainder of the park being composed of former village lands(2,3). However, community residents do not believe that the benefit commitments made by the Tanzania National Parks Agency (TANAPA) in exchange for the land, such as employment and community services, have been realized(4). Furthermore disputes over the actual boundary of the park continue and remain extremely contentious(5). TANAPA wants to retain existing lands and believes that more land needs to be added to the park to ensure integrity of key resources(6).

The Saadani Community

The villages bordering Saadani National Park are small and subsistence livelihood based, with fishing dominating along the coast and agriculture taking over in inland communities. Services remain limited and public infrastructure is poor. The economies of the villages are very small and dominated by micro enterprises linked to and supplementing the production from subsistence agriculture and fishing.

Salt production is the only industrial activity in the immediate area although sisal plantations exist to the north and a sugar cane plantation is proposed in the southwest corner of the area. Tourist lodge facilities pre-dated the park and have expanded since park establishment, although by comparison to other national parks in Tanzania, both numbers of sites and park visitation remain relatively small(4).

Figure 3: Small business enterprise in Saadani village (Photo Credit B.K. Downie)

Conservation and Livelihood Challenges

Although relatively close to major population centres, the infrastructure of the Saadani, including water and power systems, transportation and communications, are not well developed due to the small and dispersed population. Local village economies remain very small with limited wage, employment, and public services such as education and health care.

The interaction between resource extraction and environmental change is the biggest challenge facing the Saadani. Species that have supported both human need and ecosystem function are being diminished or lost due to overharvesting, resulting in the associated impact on other species. For example, as fresh water fish stocks decline in the Wami River, the dependent bird and reptile species diminish as well. Population pressure leads to increased conversion of land to agriculture, which diminishes the coastal forest cover and impacts the water regime, which in turn impacts agricultural productivity.

Figure 4: Fisher in dhow off the coast (Photo Credit B.K. Downie)

Sensitive and vulnerable landscapes present significant challenges for conservation and management in the context of the Saadani and have been the focus of some of the conflict between the park and the communities. Coral reefs, as an example, have experienced considerable degradation. With the establishment of the park, a key reef and island complex was closed to community harvest. Mangroves, also highly impacted by human activity, are a priority for protection within the park and additional areas currently outside the park are a priority for acquisition.

Incompatible land uses also illustrate the conflict between conservation and community needs. A private sector salt producer currently operates in an enclave within the park and park management wants the operation closed and the area added to the park. However, the salt company is one of the few employers in the area and closing the operation would seriously impact potential wage employment for local people. Similarly, the most severe environmental impact in the area is the diminishing forest land which is being converted to agriculture or simply removed for the production of charcoal. This land use pattern will have an inevitable negative impact on the viability of the park unless the trend is reversed, yet land for agriculture and the energy and income resulting from charcoal production will be extremely challenging to replace.

Community Initiative

Given the above situation, there are great needs for:

• Community led activities that foster long-term sustainability of community based conservation and development initiatives.
• Support for local communities, both rural and urban, to understand the conservation values of the environment in which they live.
• Support for communities to implement development interventions that are compatible with and build on those natural resource values.
• Support for protected areas management agencies to work with local communities in the cooperative achievement of both protected areas and community objectives.

Figure 5: Fishers in Saadani village going to fish (Photo Credit B.K. Downie)

These activities have been undertaken by the Kesho Trust, a Canadian charitable organization (registered 2005) and also registered as a Tanzanian NGO (2006). The Kesho Trust has a long term commitment to the Saadani area and is involved in a variety of initiatives in the area. As part of their ongoing work, the Kesho trust initiated a project called Promoting Environmental Conservation and Cooperation (PECC) in the Saadani in 2013. The purpose of this project was to help improve the relationships between villagers and the Saadani Park management through understanding and discussion. The project established, and works with, 10 person committees in each of the six communities in the area (Buyuni, Gongo, Matipwili, Mkange, Mkwaja, Saadani).

In September, 2015 a series of meetings was held in three out of the six PECC communities and then a workshop was convened with two representatives from each of the community committees to review the progress of PECC. Participants were asked to explain what was working effectively and why and how they felt the project was affecting their relationships with the park. The outcomes were positive and people were keen to continue the work of the committees in each village(7).

Practical Outcomes

A recent review of PECC identified four key project activities as being the most beneficial to the Saadani area communities.

Communication

The opportunity to have important issues heard and discussed with park staff was critical for village participants, even if solutions were not immediately possible.

Community Collaboration

Meeting with other village communities was important in understanding that others experienced similar issues and that there were potential collective solutions.

Observing other Conservation Organisations

Visits to conservation organisations and agencies in Dar es Salaam provided new information and ideas about ways to work with designated conservation areas. Visiting the Wildlife Department of the Ministry of Natural Resources was considered to be especially valuable.

Education

Developing, and using songs, drama and poems helped people in their villages learn about the process and benefits of conservation.

Figure 6: PECC workshop with representatives from all six participating villages (Photo Credit B.K. Downie)

References

1. Tanzania National Parks (TANAPA). (2009). Saadani National Park: general management plan 2010-2020 (p. 168). Arusha, Tanzania: TANAPA.
2. Baldus, R. D., Roettcher, K., & Broska, D. (2001). An introduction to Tanzania’s future 13th national park (Tanzania Wildlife Discussion Paper No. 30). Dar es Salaam: GTZ Wildlife Programme in Tanzania.
3. Bloesch, U., & Klötzli, F. (2004). Coastal forests of the Saadani National Park (Tanzania Wildlife Discussion Paper No. 37) (p. 30). Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: Tanzania Wildlife Discussion Paper.
4. Downie, B. K. (2015). Conservation influences on livelihood decision-making: A case study from Saadani National Park, Tanzania. PhD Thesis. Victoria: University of Victoria.
5. Orozco-Quintero, A. (2014). Uvinje Village and Saadani National Park, Tanzania. Retrieved from http://www.justconservation.org/uvinje-village-and-saadani-national-park,-tanzania
6. Tanzania National Parks (TANAPA). (2014). Research priorities for national parks (p. 46). Arusha, Tanzania: TANAPA.
7. Downie, B.K. (2016). Towards the resolution of a conservation and community conflict: A Tanzania case study. Policy Matters. 20. (p. 66-80).

Acknowledgements

The commitment and support of the people of the Saadani area villages has made the work possible. Funding support beyond the ongoing donations to the Kesho Trust by private individuals has come from two donor organizations: 1) initial stages of the PECC project were funded by the Tanzania Foundation for Civil Society; and, 2) a recent project review and subsequent workshops, focused on community based tourism as an alternative livelihood activity, was supported by IUCN.

See below for the Swahili language abstract for this community story, “Hifadhi ya Taifa ya Saadani, Tanzania: Kukuza Uendelevu wa Muda Mrefu wa Uhifadhi wa Kijamii na Maendeleo.”

A video concerning the Kesho Trust  project Promoting Environmental Conservation and Cooperation (PECC)

View the CCRN’s Nuu-chah-nulth Community Story as a PDF

Dawn Foxcroft, Don Hall and Lissa Cowan Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council, Canada; info@uuathluk.ca

Key Messages

* Since the 2009 Ahousaht et al. vs. Canada decision, recognizing the rights of five Nuu-chah-nulth First Nations to fish and sell fish, Nuu-chah-nulth have been developing fishing plans in accordance to their principles, Hishukish Tsawalk (everything is one) and ?iisaak (respect with caring).

* Nuu-chah-nulth’s strong conservation ethic is demonstrated in their successful efforts to protect the herring stocks from commercial harvest along the west coast of Vancouver Island since 2014.

* Nuu-chah-nulth First Nations have been forced to utilize legal actions to protect their resources and

Community Introduction

The west coast of Vancouver Island is a culturally rich and ecologically significant area for the more than seventy-four thousand(1) who call it home. Since time immemorial, Nuu-chah-nulth people have occupied the lands and waters of this coast, hunting, fishing, and gathering the abundant aquatic resources that thrive in the ocean, inlets, bays and rivers. Nuu-chah-nulth territory spans the coast from Brooks Peninsula in the north to Nitinat Lake in the south. Today there are over nine thousand(2) Nuu-chah-nulth people from fourteen First Nations. Before contact with Europeans, Nuu-chah-nulth communities depended solely on this rich environment for their survival, conducting both economic and subsistence fisheries across broad areas of the coast and inland waters.

Figure 1: Map of Nuu-chah-nulth Ha-houlthee (traditional territory)

Conservation and Livelihood Challenges

Following contact with Europeans and the development of commercial fishing fleets, the Nuu-chah-nulth continued to participate in marine and freshwater fisheries. In some communities, as many as 90% of the men fished for their livelihood(3). However, devastating events contributed to a shift in this way of life, severing the relationship between the Nuu-chah-nulth people and their aquatic resources. Significant among these events were Canadian fisheries policies and regulations that diminished and excluded Nuu-chah-nulth participation in Vancouver Island’s west coast fisheries. Today, in most Nuu-chah-nulth communities, only a handful of fishers remain – although as will be described below, Nuu-chah-nulth efforts continue to reverse this situation and to restore fishing as an important part of their economies.

Figure 2: One of the T’aaq-wiihak fishers on the water.

Ahousaht et al vs. Canada

In June of 2003, Nuu-chah-nulth Nations filed a Writ of Summons against Canada and British Columbia seeking recognition of their Aboriginal fishing rights. The trial began in 2006, and included testimony from expert witnesses including Shawn Atleo, former National Chief of the Assembly of First Nations, anthropologists, former staff of Fisheries and Oceans Canada (DFO), and Nuu-chah-nulth fishers and knowledge holders.

The case was argued that Nuu-chah-nulth have Aboriginal rights to fish and sell fish by their preferred means and in their preferred locations, because fishing provided an economic basis for their communities before contact with Europeans. On November 3, 2009, after 123 days of trial and many months of deliberation, the BC Supreme Court issued its judgment, saying, “At contact, the Nuu-chah-nulth were overwhelmingly a fishing people. They depended almost entirely on their harvest of the resources of the ocean and rivers to sustain themselves.” The decision added that Nuu-chah-nulth people were able to prove a long history of trading and selling fisheries resources, and that this translated into a modern right to “fish and sell all species of fish in their territories.” Through this decision, Ahousaht et al vs. Canada (2009), Nuu-chah-nulth Nations established Aboriginal rights to harvest any species of fish (other than geoduck) from their territories and to sell that fish in the commercial marketplace.

The five First Nations involved in that court decision have been developing fishing plans since 2009. For more than six years, the Nations have submitted these plans to DFO as a part of negotiation efforts toward a Nuu-chah-nulth fishery based on aboriginal rights (referred to as a rights-based fishery). In addition to reflecting Nuu-chah-nulth values, the fishing plans would benefit coastal communities by providing employment, a local source of seafood for consumers, and much needed new revenue into the local economy. Unfortunately, DFO has not accepted Nuu-chah-nulth plans for sustainable, community-based fisheries and has instead offered minimal access, largely through existing commercial fishing regulations and policies. These are the same regulations and policies that the Courts found had cumulatively infringed Nuu-chah-nulth rights. They are also the same regulations and policies which have contributed to the current state of depleted ocean resources.

Community Initiative

Today, the five Nations are negotiating with Canada to design Aboriginal rights-based fisheries that exemplify conservation in their design; they are small-scale fisheries, not heavily capitalized or intensive industrial fisheries. The negotiating body is called T’aaq-wiihak, which means “fishing with the permission of the Ha’wiih (hereditary Chiefs).” Through this body, negotiators are working to reinstate Ha’wiih as decision makers and rights holders in their ha-houlthee (traditional territories). Nuu-chah-nulth Ha’wiih and leaders continue to exemplify a conservation ethic through recommendations and requests to DFO.  This is seen clearly through the efforts of Nuu-chah-nulth Nations toward rebuilding herring on the west coast of Vancouver Island. To this end, the Nations proactively met with DFO to recommend strategies, including maintaining closures to commercial gill net and seine herring fisheries.

Figure 3: Ua-a-thluk Associate Biologist, Sabrina Crowley, shows the thin layer of herring roe during Herring Assessment Training, Barkley Sound.

Unfortunately, in 2014, DFO chose not to implement this recommendation and instead allowed a 10% harvest. In response, Nuu-chah-nulth Nations wrote to the fishing industry urging fishers not to fish for herring on the west coast of Vancouver Island. The Nations called for a meeting with Canada’s Fisheries Minister to discuss their concerns. Ultimately, it was an injunction successfully obtained by five Nuu-chah-nulth Nations that stopped the commercial harvest of herring along the west coast of Vancouver Island for the 2014 season.

Figure 4: Nuu-chah-nulth Nations, host Nations and supporters gather on the steps of Vancouver Law Courts for song, prayer and a few words on the first day of the Justification trial (Ahousaht et al), March, 2015.

In 2015, still seeing a persistent lack of herring, Nuu-chah-nulth Ha’wiih and leaders again advised DFO not to open a commercial herring fishery in their Ha-houlthee for the 2015 fishing season. However, DFO and the commercial herring industry chose an adversarial path like that of the previous year. The Nations again went to court but were unsuccessful in obtaining an injunction, so the herring fishery took place. However, as has been predicted by Nuu-chah-nulth knowledge holders, the herring remained in low abundance and the few commercial herring vessels that came to Nuu-chah-nulth territories to fish left with their holds empty.

Prior to the 2016 herring season, Nuu-chah-nulth Nations and the commercial herring industry reached an agreement through a Letter of Understanding to not fish the west coast of Vancouver Island. This letter of Understanding was presented to the new Fisheries Minister and the Minister eventually agreed to the no-fishing recommendation of the Nations and industry. Nuu-chah-nulth Nations continue to encourage DFO and industry to work collectively on a Herring Rebuilding and Management Framework with long term fishery objectives that all parties can support.

Practical Outcomes

Although the Ahousaht decision has not been implemented fully due to stalling from Canada’s government, the Nuu-chah-nulth are still seeing positive results of rights-based community fisheries from the five T’aaq-wiihak Nations that, since the court decision, have been selling sustainably caught suuḥaa (chinook salmon), caʔinwa (gooseneck barnacles) and p̓uuʔi (halibut) on Vancouver Island’s west coast. Ha’oom, the Nations’ wild seafood brand, is recommended “ocean friendly” by Ocean Wise, and is purchased by conscientious consumers that are mindful of local and global conservation issues.

The Nuu-chah-nulth Ahousaht decision, once implemented to its full extent, will allow the Nuu-chah-nulth, who have protected and harvested on the west coast of Vancouver Island for thousands of years, to strengthen their relationships with these resources. The result will be increased economic opportunities not only for Nuu-chah-nulth communities but also for neighbouring coastal communities. The Nuu-chah-nulth, along with communities in remote coastal areas, are reliant on the ocean for food and transportation. Being a constant watchful eye along the coast, Nuu-chah-nulth elders, fishers, and leadership have an important role in monitoring the ocean resources. Despite this, Nuu-chah-nulth Nations have found that the Canadian government, with Federal management authority over the ocean resources, has not always valued the requests and advice from Nuu-chah-nulth communities.

However, the success of 2016, when the Canadian Federal government agreed not to open the commercial herring fishery, is seen by Nuu-chah-nulth and other coastal Nations as a sign of change from the Canadian government. There is hope of coming closer to the goal of the government acknowledging the authority of Nuu-chah-nulth Ha’wiih and leadership over the resources within their territories, and working collaboratively with Nuu-chah-nulth communities to develop sustainable relationships valuing conservation and livelihoods with their shared sea resources.

References

BCStats. 2013. Sub Population Estimates (used population amounts for Alberni Clayoquot and Strathcona). Accessed December 5, 2016 from: http://www.bcstats.gov.bc.ca/StatisticsBySubject/Demography/PopulationEstimates.aspx

British Columbia. 2014. First Nation Negotiations. Accessed December 5, 2016 from: http://www.gov.bc.ca/arr/firstnation/nuu_chah_nulth/default.html

Benson Nookemis. 2008. Benson Nookemis testimony from Ahousaht et al. vs. Canada, June 12, 2008.

A short documentary on fishing rights and traditional livelihoods among the Nuu-chah-nulth First Nations.

Philile Mbatha is a PhD Candidate and Assistant Lecturer in Environmental and Geographical Science Department, at the University of Cape Town, South Africa

CCRN student Philile Mbatha is a PhD Candidate and Assistant Lecturer in Environmental and Geographical Science Department, at the University Of Cape Town, South Africa. For her PhD thesis, supervised by CCRN member Merle Sowman, she is examining the role of multiple governance systems on coastal livelihood strategies. “I became interested in this field because I am passionate about research that bridges the gap between rural and marginalized communities and decision-making platforms for natural resource governance” says Philile. The CCRN has helped Philile connect to a wide network of researchers working on similar issues around the world.

Continue reading to learn more about Philile’s thesis “The influence of plural governance systems on coastal livelihood strategies: The case of Kosi Bay,” and the insights Philile gained while completing her PhD.

What is the topic you are addressing in your thesis?

This research has sought to elucidate understanding about rural coastal livelihood strategies by highlighting the manner through which rural livelihoods are shaped, influenced and reproduced by governance systems that aim to govern natural resources. For this undertaking, the study has drawn upon both on livelihoods and governance bodies of work in order to contribute towards building stronger linkages between livelihoods analyses and governance debates. One of the main reasons why this study is important is that it seeks to contribute to the gap in the body of knowledge about the relationship between the livelihoods strategies of rural and marginalized communities and plural natural resource governance systems controlling access and use of coastal resources. In the conceptual bodies of work within livelihoods and governance literature concerning natural resources, much of the emphasis is either on livelihoods or governance, respectively. There is limited literature, particularly in the southern African context, which examines the relationships or interactions between plural governance systems and rural livelihoods.

A local woman after from harvesting reeds from the lake

Kosi Bay is located within and adjacent to the iSimangaliso World Heritage Site, and is also located within the wider Maputaland region. It comprises a very ecologically unique lake system, which, because of its rich biodiversity, is part of an environment that is protected as a natural site under UNESCO World Heritage status. The iSimangaliso site was declared South Africa’s first World Heritage Site because its natural attributes are considered of global significance, as they have economic potential, and thus need to be conserved for both local people, as well as the international community. However, formal conservation within the boundaries of the iSimangaliso has existed for over 100 years, and the St. Lucia Nature Reserve is one of the oldest protected areas in Africa, established in 1895 (iSimangaliso Authority, 2011). The reasons for progressive creation of protected areas within the boundaries of iSimangaliso World Heritage Site is said to be motivated by the need for protecting increasing populations of large mammals such as hippopotamus, sea turtles, as well as black rhinoceros within the system (iSimangaliso Authority, 2016).

The iSimangaliso site was thus declared ‘world heritage’ as it met three of the ten criteria of UNESCO. The selection criteria provided by UNESCO (2015) are the main working tool for the selection of cultural and natural heritage globally are:

1. To represent a masterpiece of human creative genius
2. To exhibit an important interchange of human values, over a span of time or within a cultural area of the world, on         developments in architecture or technology, monumental arts, town-planning or landscape design
3. To bear a unique or at least exceptional testimony to a cultural tradition or to a civilization which is living or World which has disappeared

The Kosi Bay system within the iSimangaliso site consists of five unique ecological systems, i.e. dune forests, sandy beaches, rich tidal and coral reef zones, as well as grasslands (Guyot, 2005). The people who reside in the area weave their livelihoods around these resources, and engage in activities such as fisheries (in the lakes as well as on intertidal zones along the coast), forestry (i.e. harvesting indigenous forest products), eco- tourism and agriculture. In terms of coastal resource governance, the rural coastal community of Kosi Bay resides in the midst of a myriad of coastal activity (i.e. fishing, forestry and tourism) and governance arrangements for the Kosi Bay system. These include the UNESCO World Heritage Site, a Ramsar site, the Maputaland Marine Protected Area, the Tembe Coastal Forest Reserve, as well as the Ponta Do Ouro – Kosi Bay Trans-Frontier Conservation Area (TFCA). Moreover, statutory institutions for conservation governance operate parallel to traditional authority structures under Tembe Tribal Authority, as well as customary institutions that are long-standing within the area. There is also an existing land claim on World Heritage Site land by the members of the community that were historically forcibly removed for conservation during the apartheid era.

What excites you about the work you did for your thesis?

The work I did for my thesis excites me because the findings of my study will contribute towards the improvement of coastal governance in South Africa. Moreover, rural communities are empowered by the research in a manner that will assist them to challenge unjust decision-making processes.

Did you run into any difficulties during your studies? If so, how did you address them?

Trap fishing in Kosi estuary

Yes I did. Kosi Bay is a highly contested area by the community and governance structures in relation to land and coastal resources. There is also an ongoing conflict between governance actors and members of the community around this, so much that the community was initially reluctant to speak to outsiders regarding these sensitive topics. However, the advantages I had were that I am from the Kwazulu-Natal province and therefore was able identify with the culture of the local people and also speak the local language. This assisted me to quickly establish a positive relationship as a researcher with community members when the study was introduced, and it enabled me to gain the trust of the local people. Earning the trust of people in Kosi Bay was not initially easy, as the people in the three communities have, over the years, become very skeptical of researchers coming into the area to elicit information without ever returning to provide positive feedback about the research to the local people. Moreover, people in the villages have also become distrustful towards researchers over the years as they expressed that they feel that ‘research’ has betrayed them in the past and is the reason why they lost their security and livelihoods. In order to overcome these, I had to conduct various meetings with community members before commencing with my research. This ensured that the people were satisfied with the understanding of the research in order to allow it to proceed.

How will your research affect the community you worked with?

When the research is done, the results will be fed back to the community so that they can use it to empower themselves and challenge current governance systems. A policy brief from the research findings will also be published in order to raise awareness and engage decision-makers on issues affecting livelihoods of rural communities affected by protected areas.

What do you think are the next steps for learning more about the topics you addressed in your thesis?

The next step will be to engage organizations like UNESCO and other actors in the international community about how global policy regimes for environmental protection are translated in developing countries, and how they alter or shift the livelihood strategies of marginalized communities. More research needs to be done to assess the influence of international policy regimes for protecting natural resources on local livelihood strategies.

How does your research contribute to your field?

My research will contribute to the theoretical gaps within the livelihoods body of work by exploring the interface between livelihoods and governance debates, in relation to natural resource governance.

References

Guyot, S. 2005. Political dimensions of environmental conflicts in Kosi Bay (South Africa). Signification of the new post-apartheid governance system. Development Southern Africa, Vol. 32(3).

ISimangaliso Authority. 2011. ISimangaliso Wetland Park Wetland Park IntegratedManagement Plan (2011-2016). St. Lucia, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Online [Available].
isimangaliso.com/product/isimangaliso-imp-2011-2016/

ISimangaliso Authority. 2016. ISimangaliso Wetland Park Wetland Park Integrated Management Plan (2017-2021). St. Lucia, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Online [Available].
isimangaliso.com/product/isimangaliso-imp-2017-2021/

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), 2015. Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention. World Heritage Centre, France: Paris.

Wehai (the local wisdom of the village) is a means of managing coastal resources. This tradition is used to protect baronang fish or Rabbit fishes (Siganus spp) and Baramundi (Lates Calcarifer), as both species are used in a local ritual ceremony. This traditional rule has been widely applied since the Sultanate of Buton and regulated by the Law of Seventh Dignity.

The tradition of wehai is carried out by the indigenous institution named sara which consists of traditional and religious leaders. Currently, the coastal areas protected by wehai have been included in the Marine Protected Area initiated by the COREMAP-CTI Project. The program has also established a local agency, Coastal Resource Management (LPSP), to strengthen the management of wehai, especially in marine areas. Some of the activities conducted to train the LPSP included human resource training, the establishment of Micro Finance Institutions for strengthening livelihoods, and the zoning of coastal waters in traditionally protected areas.

To improve the Island’s welfare, venture capital is provided in the form of loans accessible to the local communities on local MFIs. The economic activities carried out by the target group in the Village of Liya Mawi are seaweed cultivation and processing of fishery products run by a gender business group.

LPSP, in the Village of Liya Mawi, has received attention from all parties that support coastal conservation in and around the village. Support for strengthening human resources and facilitating water zonation has come from RARE of Indonesia. WWF-Indonesia has also participated in supporting the socializing and campaigning for the protection of the coastal area around Liya Mawi.

RARE-Indonesia, in supporting the arrangement of the zonation of waters of Liya Mawi Village, has resulted in the general rules stated on the Wehai Based Fisheries Area Access Utilization (PAAP), which include: (a) The implementation of wehai rules, especially in catching fish; (b) The limitation in using net for catching fish, with the minimum size of 2.5 inches; (c) The protection of baronang fish; (d) Conducting restocking activities; and (e) Seaweed cultivation.

Author: Ahmad Mony

Directed by Kent Martin, and Produced by CCRN Partner and Researcher, Dr. Trudy Sable, the film celebrates the resilience of the Mi’kmaq, and Indigenous people in general; the rich landscape and resources which were available to them prior to colonization, the medicines and wild food that are still available and the sacredness of the food that sustains human beings spiritually, culturally, and physically.